Figures show that currently 50% of uninsured have an unfavorable view of ACA, vs. 32% with a favorable view. In July 2010, 50% of uninsured had favorable view vs. 27% with unfavorable view.
Health Tracking Poll: Exploring the Public’s Views on the Affordable Care Act (ACA) | The Henry J. Kaiser Family FoundationMarch 9, 2015
“The funding community has dramatically and almost uniformly abandoned health care advocacy,” said Rachel Rosen DeGolia, executive director of the Universal Health Care Action Network, a national organization that links pro-health reform groups. “Good architects think about how their masterpiece will be maintained before construction. … Good builders consider keeping termites away from the woodwork.”
Part of the challenge for the Obama administration dates to the months after the Affordable Care Act was signed into law in 2010 — the “BFD” moment, as Vice President Joe Biden memorably put it.
Advocates thought they could declare victory and move on. Major liberal groups turned their attention, and their wallets, away from health care reform and toward other causes like climate change, immigration and Wall Street regulation. Health care voices might not have been silenced. But they were muted.
Indeed, in a 2013 poll cited by the New York Times’s Thomas Edsall, by a margin of 25 percent, people said Obamacare makes things better for the poor. But when the question was, Does it make things better “for people like you”? Obamacare came out 16 points underwater. Moreover, for whites, whose support for Democrats hemorrhaged in 2014, 63 percent thought Obamacare made things worse for the middle class.
That’s how you lose elections, Schumer argues. And forfeit large chunks of the traditional Democratic coalition. Health care was not a crisis in 2009 (nor in 1993, when Hillarycare was proposed, leading to another Democratic electoral disaster the following year); it was an ideological imperative for Barack Obama and the liberal elites in charge of Congress — their legacy contribution to the welfare state.
During a September pre-election panel discussion on the continuing political repercussions of the Affordable Care Act, Charlie Cook, editor of the Cook Report, put his finger on the health care problem facing Democrats when he pointed out that the public perception of the party has been indelibly imprinted by Obamacare.
The Affordable Care Act has “framed where the Democratic Party is,” Cook said. “If I would sum up my assessment, it was huge, it did play a central role in framing everything.” By 2014, health care reform “lost a little bit of its oomph, but it still is more important in setting things up than any other issue was over the last six years.” …
Most voters for the first time want Congress to fix the new national health care law rather than repeal it.Given the problems with the new law, 30% of Likely U.S. Voters still think Congress should repeal it entirely and start over again. But a new Rasmussen Reports national telephone survey finds that 52% prefer instead that Congress go through the law piece by piece and improve it. Just 13% want to leave the law as is.
We examine the contours of support for the Clinton and Obama health care plans during the 1990s and 2000s based on our own compilation of 120,000 individual-level survey responses from throughout the debates. Despite the rise of the Tea Party, and the racialization of health care politics, opinion dynamics are remarkably similar in both periods. Party ID is the single most powerful predictor of support for reform and the president’s handling of it. Contrary to prominent claims, after controlling for partisanship, demographic characteristics are at best weak predictors of support for reform. We also show that Clinton and Obama did not “lose” blacks, seniors, or wealthy voters over the course of the debate. The small and often nonexistent relationship between these characteristics and support for the plan are constant over time. Instead, the modest fluctuations in support for reform appear to follow the ebb and flow of elite rhetoric. Both mean levels of support and its volatility over time covary with elite partisan discourse. These findings suggest that presidents courting public opinion should seek consensus among their own party’s elites before appealing to other narrower interests.
Here we report the latest data from the RAND Health Reform Opinion Study (RHROS), a new way to measure public opinion of the Affordable Care Act (ACA). The RHROS allows us to observe true changes in opinion by surveying the same people over time.
Positive opinion of the ACA continues to increase; the overall favorable rating is now as high as it was in late September, prior to the opening of the health insurance exchanges. Negative opinion seems to be declining slightly since its peak in late November. The fraction responding “don\’t know” continues to decline.
Whether these trends will continue remains an open question. However, the number switching from negative to positive is now greater than the number switching from positive to negative.
Our current graphs show changes from positive to negative and vice versa, but we\’ll provide much more information in the coming weeks, including changes to and from the “don\’t know” category.
When looking at this more detailed information, we see a significant decline in the amount of churn in public opinion. From September to November, 25 percent of respondents reported a change in their opinion, but from November to December, this dropped to 15 percent.
Check back each week for updated data. We\’ll also provide more detailed analysis about RHROS results once per month.