This Commentary provides a legal analysis of the extent to which changes proposed by scholars to promote care for substance use disorder or other under-treated illnesses through risk adjustment could be implemented administratively, without legislation, in federal risk adjustment systems: Medicare’s privatized component, Medicare’s pharmaceutical component, and the individual and small group market. As the Commentary explains, federal laws governing risk adjustment provide broad discretion to regulators and can reasonably be interpreted to permit (or in the case of Part C even compel) full and final implementation through the administrative process of almost all of the changes that scholars have proposed.
Regulatory Pathways to Promote Treatment for Substance Use Disorder or Other Under-Treated Conditions Using Risk Adjustment by Matthew J. B. Lawrence :: SSRNOctober 19, 2018
Predictive analytics and “big data” are emerging as important new tools for diagnosing and treating patients. But as data collection becomes more pervasive, and as machine learning and analytical methods become more sophisticated, the companies that traffic in health-related big data will face competitive pressures to make more aggressive claims regarding what their programs can predict. Already, patients, practitioners, and payors are inundated with claims that software programs, “apps,” and other forms of predictive analytics can help solve some of the health care system’s most pressing problems. This article considers the evidence and substantiation that we should require of these claims, focusing on “health” claims, or claims to diagnose, treat, or manage diseases or other medical conditions. The problem is that three very different paradigms might apply, depending on whether we cast predictive analytics as akin to medical products, medical practice, or merely as medical information. Because big data methods are so opaque, its claims may be uniquely difficult to substantiate, requiring a new paradigm. This article offers a new framework that considers intended users and appropriate evidentiary baselines.
For recently released prisoners, the minimum wage and the availability of state Earned Income Tax Credits (EITCs) can influence both their ability to find employment and their potential legal wages relative to illegal sources of income, in turn affecting the probability they return to prison. Using administrative prison release records from nearly six million offenders released between 2000 and 2014, we use a difference-in-differences strategy to identify the effect of over two hundred state and federal minimum wage increases, as well as 21 state EITC programs, on recidivism. We find that the average minimum wage increase of $0.50 reduces the probability that men and women return to prison within 1 year by 2.8%. This implies that on average the effect of higher wages, drawing at least some released prisoners into the legal labor market, dominates any reduced employment in this population due to the minimum wage. These reductions in returns to incarcerations are observed for the potentially revenue generating crime categories of property and drug crimes; prison reentry for violent crimes are unchanged, supporting our framing that minimum wages affect crime that serves as a source of income. The availability of state EITCs also reduces recidivism, but only for women.
This article examines the possible constructs behind the announcement by Amazon, Berkshire Hathaway, and JPMorgan Chase & Co., that they are jointly building a new healthcare entity for their employees. The article provides context by discussing and comparing the healthcare ambitions of the three largest information technology companies and argues that various forms of hybrid entities will increase their footprint in healthcare data and delivery. The core of the article is a thought experiment about the nature of what the article terms “Prime Health.” That analysis is based initially on observations about Amazon’s existing culture and business model of Amazon. Thereafter the article examines both what Prime Health could and should be, arguing that it will go beyond the pedestrian model of a very large self-funded group insurance plan, will disintermediate traditional healthcare insurers, and attempt to bring consumers and healthcare providers together into some type of online marketplace; an updated, privatized version of managed competition. The final parts of the article deal with the regulatory environment that hybrid healthcare generally and Prime Health in particular will face. The analysis includes federal device and data protection laws, some idiosyncratic state laws, and a brief discussion of the problems inherent in the limited regulation of hybrid healthcare entities.
The New Wave of Local Minimum Wage Policies: Evidence From Six Cities by Sylvia Allegretto, Anna Godøy, Carl Nadler, Michael Reich :: SSRNOctober 17, 2018
In recent years, a new wave of state and local activity has transformed minimum wage policy in the U.S. As of August 2018, ten large cities and seven states have enacted minimum wage policies in the $12 to $15 range.1 Dozens of smaller cities and counties have also enacted wage standards in this range.2 These higher minimum wages, which are being phased in gradually, will cover well over 20 percent of the U.S. workforce. With a substantial number of additional cities and states poised to soon enact similar policies, a large portion of the U.S. labor market will be held to a higher wage standard than has been typical over the past 50 years.
These minimum wage levels substantially exceed the previous peak in the federal minimum wage, which reached just under $10 (in today’s dollars) in the late 1960s. As a result, the new policies will increase pay directly for 15 to 30 percent of the workforce in these cities and as much as 40 to 50 percent of the workforce in some industries and regions. By contrast, the federal and state minimum wage increases between 1984 and 2014 increased pay directly for less than eight percent of the applicable workforce.
This report examines the effects of these new policies. Although minimum wage effects on employment have been much studied and debated, this new wave of higher minimum wages attains levels beyond the evidential reach of most previous studies. Moreover, city-level policies might have effects that differ from those of state and federal policies. Yet, most of the empirical studies of minimum wages focus on the state and federal-level policies. The literature on the effects of city-level minimum wages is much smaller. Our report helps fill these gaps.
Long-Term Changes in Married Couples’ Labor Supply and Taxes: Evidence from the US and Europe Since the 1980s by Alexander Bick, Bettina Brüggemann, Nicola Fuchs-Schundeln, Hannah Paule-Paludkiewicz :: SSRNOctober 17, 2018
We document the time-series of employment rates and hours worked per employed by married couples in the US and seven European countries (Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, and the UK) from the early 1980s through 2016. Relying on a model of joint household labor supply decisions, we quantitatively analyze the role of non-linear labor income taxes for explaining the evolution of hours worked of married couples over time, using as inputs the full country- and year-specific statutory labor income tax codes. We further evaluate the role of consumption taxes, gender and educational wage premia, and the educational composition. The model is quite successful in replicating the time series behavior of hours worked per employed married woman, with labor income taxes being the key driving force. It does however capture only part of the secular increase in married women’s employment rates in the 1980s and early 1990s, suggesting an important role for factors not considered in this paper. We will make the non-linear tax codes used as an input into the analysis available as a user-friendly and easily integrable set of Matlab codes.
via Long-Term Changes in Married Couples’ Labor Supply and Taxes: Evidence from the US and Europe Since the 1980s by Alexander Bick, Bettina Brüggemann, Nicola Fuchs-Schundeln, Hannah Paule-Paludkiewicz :: SSRN
Health Insurance, Hospitals, or Both? Evidence from the United Mine Workers’ Health Care Programs in Appalachia by Theodore F. Figinski, Erin Troland :: SSRNSeptember 18, 2018
Should the government subsidize health insurance, health care facilities, or both? The United States has subsidized both for many decades, targeting under-served populations and geographic areas. We study these questions in the first rigorous quantitative analysis of two major natural experiments in Appalachian coal country. In the early 1950s, the United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) coal mining union began to provide free health insurance to coal miners and their families. A few years later, the UWMA opened ten new state-of-the-art hospitals in Appalachia. These interventions give us the unique opportunity to separately identify (i) the effect of health insurance from (ii) the combined effect of the insurance plus new hospitals for the same place, time, and population. To do so, we use difference-in-differences at the county-year level. We find that the health insurance had large effects on pregnant women and infants. A woman’s probability of delivering her baby in a hospital increased from 60 percent to over 90 percent. The probability of her infant dying before the age of one decreased from 36 to 9 per 1,000. For the new hospitals, crowd-out was low. Adding UMWA hospitals increased hospital beds by more than 50 percent. Health care workers more than doubled.